Thursday, February 09, 2006

The Mystery of China�s Sinking Stocks -- December 2005

The Mystery of China�s Sinking Stocks -- December 2005

The Mystery of China’s Sinking StocksDecember 2005
by Weijian Shan
It is one of the greatest paradoxes of the Chinese economy that its stock market, called the A share market, has lost half of its value in the past five years, while the economy has grown by 50%. Many attribute the stock market decline to the “overhang” problem. Until recently, two-thirds of all the shares of companies listed on China’s stock exchanges were “temporarily nontradable,” but there had been repeated indications that these shares would be freed up sooner or later. Some argue that it is such a prospect that depresses the market because of the fear these hitherto nontradable shares will flood the market once freed up.
It is against this background that the regulators launched, around the middle of 2005, “share reforms” aimed at resolving the overhang problem by making nontradable shares tradable. This, undoubtedly, is the right decision, as the existence of a large amount of nontradable shares is an anomaly for any market. However, the belief that the so-called overhang was the chief culprit of the dismal performance of the stock market has led to measures to monetarily benefit tradable shareholders in the process of converting all shares into tradable shares and to suspend capital raising. The hope is that happier shareholders and a frozen supply of stocks will help prop up stock prices.
The real reason for the depressed A share market is more fundamental. A comparison of the stock prices of Chinese companies which are simultaneously listed on domestic and overseas stock exchanges gives some indication of the real story. On average, these dually listed companies are still traded at a 30% premium in Hong Kong, or the H share market, over the price of the same stock in the A share market. To be sure, the price gap between domestic and foreign exchanges of the dually listed companies has been narrowing, from about 380% five years ago to only about 30% today. But the A share market is hardly cheap; it remains overvalued compared with overseas markets.
Historically, the large price differentials between A and H shares might very well be caused by excessive liquidity or too much money chasing too few shares in the A share market as capital controls prevented arbitrage between domestic and overseas markets. This is in fact how market bubbles are built anywhere in the world at times. From a policy point of view, excessive speculation should not be encouraged because, as the saying goes, what goes up must come down. Eventually, the price will “correct” to reflect real fundamentals. When such corrections inevitably occur, the effect is usually devastating, as much wealth is destroyed when a stock market bubble bursts.
While a stock market crash may merely represent a natural return to reality when a speculative bubble can no longer sustain itself, such as when the Internet bubble burst in the U.S. in 2001, a prolonged downturn, as opposed to a precipitous bottom-out, is usually induced by economic recession. The stock market usually mirrors the performance of the broad economy. The market may run ahead, but it almost never goes in the opposite direction of the economy. In fact, rarely, if at any time, can a bubble be built when the economy is fundamentally weak; equally rarely does a stock market go into a continued decline when the economy is booming. China seems to be an exception to the rule given that the continued decline of its stock market coincides with a rapidly growing economy. What has caused this sharp and wide divergence?
The real reason can be found in economic fundamentals. China’s economic growth is so driven by capacity expansion, or fixed-asset investments, that investments now account for more than 50% of the gross domestic product, more than any other country at any time in the history of economic development. The relentless capacity expansion has led to economy-wide overcapacity and overcompetition, to such an extent that the profit margins of the firms are constantly squeezed. Data show that the prices of Chinese exports to the U.S. have fallen by more than a quarter since 1997 whereas the price index for China’s raw materials has risen by about 20%. If growth only translates into ever declining profitability for Chinese firms and decreasing return to their shareholders, is there any wonder why their stock prices also fall?
Moreover, the Chinese stock market has never been a fair game. To be permitted to go public has long been considered a policy favor often reserved for weak firms requiring government support. This has led to some well-known abuses and corruption cases as weak firms desperate for financing are motivated to go out of their ways to obtain permissions. A relatively junior official of China Securities Regulatory Commission is currently on trial for selling the names of the randomly chosen members of the Commission’s listing committee so that firms aspiring for a public listing could bribe them before listing applications were up for review. The practice of meting out policy favors as a way to select listing candidates has created a mix of some good quality firms and a lot of bad ones on China’s stock exchanges. In addition, the parent companies of many poor quality firms are also known to have helped themselves with the money raised by their listed subsidiaries in the public market, further weakening them.
Therefore, the performance of the Chinese stock market, not surprisingly, merely reflects economic fundamentals of the listed companies. Concern over the so-called overhang is overblown. Moreover, there is no evidence, nor is there any economic logic, that the government plans to dump all, or a substantial amount, of the shares it holds onto the market. If it had wanted to do so, it could have done it in the H share market. If it exits at all, it would exit in an orderly fashion in order to fetch the best possible price.
It should be noted that the market capitalization of H shares has grown much larger than that of the domestic stock markets. H share listings total $369 billion, compared to $295 billion for all the companies listed in Shanghai. The state-owned controlling shareholders of H share companies are generally free to sell down their shares at any time if they should wish to. They have not done so and nobody believes that they will do so any time soon. Nor have their stock prices reflected any fear over such an enormous “overhang.” In fact, the H share index has been rising in the past few years as more and more of the best Chinese companies, denied access to domestic markets, have opted to go public in overseas markets, including some of the largest offerings ever done by Chinese companies this year.
But the notion of an overhang has given rise to the argument that nontradable shareholders should pay tradable shareholders before the shares of the former are allowed to trade. The stated justification for “making payments” is based on the fact that the offering prices for the shares issued to public shareholders when these companies first went public were higher than the investment costs of the founding shareholders who now hold non-tradable shares. This was deemed unfair and therefore the nontradable shareholders should now compensate tradable shareholders for such historical wrongs.
The regulators agreed and made it a rule that nontradable shareholders must pay tradable shareholders regardless if such tradable shareholders have just become a shareholder the day before they are required to register to receive such payments. There is no standard for how much payment is to be made or in what form; whatever payment terms must be approved by two-thirds of tradable shareholders before nontradable shares to receive the label of “tradable,” although they are still required to be locked up for a period of time.
To date, some 300 listed companies, out of 1,370 or so, have announced plans by their nontradable shareholders to pay tradable shareholders. Of them, over 100 have completed making payments and have thus become what is referred to as “G share” companies. The payment schemes typically consist of nontradable shareholders giving for free their own shares and cash to the other group of shareholders. On average, tradable shareholders receive about 30 free shares for every 100 shares they hold. Furthermore, some nontradable shareholders have also given warrants to entitle tradable shareholders to buy shares from them at specified prices. To assure tradable shareholders that there is value in these warrants, nontradable shareholders have also committed cash, in billions of yuan, to support the stock price should it fall below the exercise price of these warrants.
In any stock market, it is unthinkable for a group of shareholders, controlling or otherwise, to be forced to give up their property before being allowed to trade their shares. Most of Hong Kong’s publicly traded companies are controlled by some major shareholders. They are free to sell or buy shares in the open market. They may choose not to do so, as is also their right. There is no basis, either in law or in practice, either in China or overseas, for one group of shareholders to be forced to give up their property rights to another group of shareholders.
Respect for property rights is a major pillar for any market. No market can function normally without it. Due to historical reasons, the respect for property rights is already lacking in China, which is the reason for such widespread market ills as infringements on intellectual property rights, counterfeiting, and disregard for safety and the environment. It is regarded as major progress in China’s march towards a market economy that the protection of private property rights were written into the P.R.C.’s constitution for the first time only about a year ago. Therefore the de facto expropriation of one group of shareholders’ property rights by another, be they state or private owners, undermines the market.
Another major pillar of the market is the rule of law. The practice of shareholders making pledges to support their stock prices directly contravenes China’s securities law against stock price manipulation. Regardless of the objective, such disregard for established laws and regulations cannot be conducive to the development and maturation of a stock market.
Furthermore, gifting shares to tradable shareholders cannot boost the share price as hoped and it is likely to be counterproductive. This is because free shares reduce the average holding cost of shares, providing incentives for the shareholders to sell. In fact, a rational investor is likely to sell free shares to lock in profit. The selling induced by gifted free shares can only depress the share price.
Finally, justice cannot possibly be served by compensating the wrong shareholders. The turnover rate in China’s stock market is about three times per year. The current shareholders may be completely different from those who had bought shares when the company first went public. Even assuming that the original tradable shareholders were wronged because they paid higher prices than the founding shareholders for the stocks of the company, a preposterous notion to anyone remotely familiar with the concept of rewarding risk-taking by the market, how can justice be served by compensating someone other than the alleged victim of a wrong-doing?
To date, over 100 companies have completed the transition from “partial circulation” to “full circulation” of their shares, or have become the so-called G share companies. To obtain these rights, the non-tradable shareholders have given up their property in terms of shares, cash, warrants and other forms of economic interests to tradable shareholders. How have the G shares fared so far? And how has the stock market performed as a result of these changes?
Unfortunately, in both cases not very well. The stock prices of G shares have under-performed the market, and G share companies have lost about a quarter of their market value on average. Analysis conducted on the data of G share companies as of the end of October of 2005 show that the more free shares that the nontradable shareholders gave to tradable shareholders, the greater the fall in the prices of these shares, as one would expect. In fact, their share prices have fallen so much that the total holdings of the tradable shareholders, if they have not sold, are on average worth less today than before they received free shares. Therefore, both tradable and non-tradable shareholders in general have been left worse off as a result of the latter giving their properties away to the former.
The Shanghai Stock Exchange Index indicates that the market has declined as well and is now hovering below the psychological barrier of 1100 points. Even so, the index now overstates the true performance of the market. This is because free shares are not taken into account when computing the index until physical delivery has been made. If 100 tradable shares are entitled to receiving 30 free shares and if the share price is 6.5 yuan, then the true value of each share can only be derived by dividing 6.5 by 1.3, or 5 yuan, as one share really contains 1.3 shares. But in computing the index, the share price is assumed to be 6.5 yuan, with no adjustment made for the inevitable dilution, until after the receipt of the free shares. When free shares are delivered, the price promptly falls to the adjusted level and further as shareholders sell off their holdings. The index is inflated as long as it contains a large number of companies which have announced free share schemes.
Not only are G shares punished by the market, the Chinese stock market as a whole has also become more, as opposed less, speculative. Capital is enticed to flow to the shares of those companies about to become G shares in anticipation of receiving free shares and cash. Once these gifts are delivered, the shares are dumped as investors lock in profits and move on to the next target. G shares are no longer attractive because there is no chance they will receive any more free shares and cash. And so the process continues to repeat itself. As long as free money continues to fall out of the sky, G shares are deserted regardless of their fundamentals. The consequence of all this is that G shares will be depressed before the entire market is converted into G shares. As the number of G shares increases, the market is expected to continue to trend down as well.
What has the reform achieved? It has not made nontradable shares tradable, at least not for the time being as they remain locked up for some years to come. Has the reform succeeded in reducing the state holdings of shares of public companies? Not at all. On the contrary, a number of large companies have seen the holdings of the state-owned controlling shareholder increase, because the parent companies have bought more shares to support the share prices than the shares they had given away earlier.
Therefore, the “overhang” is not reduced in the least. It has only become greater, except the market now knows that these shares will be allowed to float after the pledged lock-up period expires. If overhang will indeed depress the stock price, then the worst is yet to come, to a different group of tradable shareholders, no doubt. Why such a prospect is of no concern to policy makers and why no further compensation is contemplated to future tradable shareholders who will bear the brunt of the potential “flood” is never explained.
Meanwhile, the stock market is basically shut down for new issues, either by the listed companies trying to raise fresh capital or by nonlisted companies attempting to go public. The policy is motivated by the same concern that more issuances may further dampen the market as it increases the supply of stocks. Because of the depressed state of the stock market, no G share companies have been allowed to issue new shares or otherwise raise capital through the market even after they have completed the reincarnation into G shares.
In fact, even if G share companies are now allowed to raise capital in the public market, they may not want to or may not be able to do so, because their share price has become so depressed. By the rules of state asset management authorities, no state-controlled companies can issue stocks at prices below their net asset value. Even some market leaders have seen their share price falling through that level after the G share transition. If the belief is that new issuance only depresses the market further, the regulators will likely continue to limit capital raising activity for a long time to come.
If banks and the stock market are regarded as the two major engines of economic growth for China, the stock market engine has sputtered and basically shut down, while bank lending has increased substantially year after year in the past five years. Last year, bank lending increased by some $230 billion, but the capital raised from the A share market was an insignificant $7 billion. This year, capital raising activities in the domestic stock market have been entirely suspended.
For a major economy such as China’s, it is difficult to calculate the economic costs of shutting down the stock market and depriving public companies of the ability to raise capital. How can the stock market grow more healthy if listed firms are starved of capital and new listings are barred? The inability to raise equity capital in the public market only weakens listed companies, which will further weaken the stock market. The right cure for the ills of China’s stock market is to make listed firms stronger by improving their capital structure and to improve the mix of listed companies by introducing new listings of quality companies. To do otherwise can only be counterproductive.
An unintended consequence of closing down the stock market is to increase the risks for Chinese banks. Denied access to equity capital through public market, firms will have to rely more on bank loans. Equity is the cushion against insolvency risk for lenders. Insufficient equity increases the risk of bank loans turning bad. 2005 is a banner year for China’s banking reform as several major state-owned banks have cleaned up their balance sheets, brought in foreign investors and gone public on Hong Kong Stock Exchange. For the reform to succeed, the underwriting criteria of Chinese banks will be further tightened. The dynamics of the odd combination of more disciplined bank lending policies and the lack of equity capital bode ill for public companies, for the stock market and for the economy for years to come.
Denied access to the domestic stock market, quality firms have flocked to overseas markets for capital raising in record numbers. The H share market has risen partly due to the improvement of sentiment towards China and partly because good quality companies attract more investors.
The performance of the H share market should serve as guidance to China’s domestic market. To cure the ills of the market, one must fix the fundamentals by improving the quality of listed companies and by bringing better companies to the market. Otherwise, the stock market will continue to languish, exacerbated by the policy-induced pursuit of stocks which are yet to receive free gifts at the expense of G share companies.
China has largely avoided major policy blunders in its 25 years of economic reforms by, in the words of Deng Xiaoping, “crossing the river by groping for the stones under the water,” one step at a time. The reform of the stock market, however, has not achieved the intended results. Only by focusing on fundamentals and by boldly opening up the market to qualified companies can China’s stock market improve its health and function as a major engine of economic growth.
Mr. Shan, an economist by training, is a private equity investor.

Monday, August 15, 2005

????????�??�

????????�??�人民币新政仍有待“透明”

中国人民银行(即中国央行)行长周三透露了他们一个严格保守了多日的秘密,那就是在确定人民币汇率波动区间时用作参考的一篮子货币具体由哪些币种构成。

央行行长周小川周三在讲话中说,在据以管理人民币汇率的一篮子货币中,美元、欧元、日圆和韩圆等自然成为主要的篮子货币。他还说,与中国的年双边贸易规模超过100亿美元的国家其货币都有可能被纳入这个篮子,比如新加坡、英国、马来西亚、俄罗斯、澳大利亚和泰国、加拿大等国。

周小川的讲话对市场来说具有重大意义,它使最近的这次汇率改革中最不透明的一个环节得以露出端倪。虽然有关一篮子货币的细节很零散,但它还是让人们对组成这个货币篮子的原则有所了解。

分析师指出,在中国央行向外汇市场引入新的风险对冲产品的同时,周小川的此番讲话似乎也是在郑重承诺将加大人民币的灵活性,减少与美元的直接关联。

雷曼兄弟(Lehman Brothers)驻东京经济学家Rob Subbaraman说:'这些对于我们都是非常重要的信号。'

上个月,中国在宣布人民币升值的同时取消了已实行10多年的人民币钉住美元的汇率制度,并表示将参考一篮子货币来管理人民币汇率,但当时央行没有透露一篮子货币的具体构成。

中国政府目前对一篮子货币的机制具体如何运作仍语焉不详。央行只表示将把其作为一个参考,这暗示中国在这个问题上将比同样实行参考一篮子货币制度的新加坡和以色列有更大的随意性和自由度。

不过,自从中国上个月宣布放弃钉住美元的制度后,推动中国外汇市场进一步发展的动作迅速展开。日前,央行宣布开放外汇远期和互换等衍生交易。

这些交易旨在保护企业免受外汇波动风险的冲击,不过,这些产品对中国市场而言尚属新生事物,有很大的监管难度。中国央行周三还宣布,保险公司、证券公司和其他非银行金融机构可以申请参与国内银行间外汇市场的交易。

实际上,自从上个月宣布人民币升值以来,为限制市场力量可能给汇率带来的冲击,央行一直在外汇市场上进行著干预。分析师指出,从贸易和投资资金流动的角度,人民币市场汇率还应进一步上升,但这段时间其日波幅从未出现过接近允许浮动的上限0.3%的情形。

除了直接的干预行动之外,央行还向银行系统注入大量资金,使人民币的市场利率明显走低。交易员说,央行此举旨在降低市场对人民币的需求,从而抑制汇率上升的苗头。周三,人民币兑美元收于1美元兑8.1062元,宣布升值之初的水平为是8.11元。

如果中国央行真地将人民币汇率的重心从美元转移出去,那将引起美国国债市场投资者的关注。因为中国有可能由此开始减少美元在其官方外汇储备中的权重。目前中国的外汇储备总额超过了7,000亿美元。

为中国大型商业银行管理美元头寸的交易员说,到目前,他们仍在增持美元,尚未对投资组合做调整。

尽管周小川表示,一篮子货币将由10多个币种组成,但他周三也明确指出,美元在中国贸易和投资方面的重要地位正逐渐下降。他还说:我们要鼓励这种趋势。

中国一些企业出现的变化也证实了这种趋势。以年出口额达2亿美元、为耐克和阿迪达斯等品牌生产运动服饰的上海针织集团(Shanghai Knitting Group)为例,过去,该集团的发票都以美元开具,但该集团副总经理陆龙生说,现在,客户不仅用美元,也有的选择欧元,特别是欧洲国家的客户。

香港时间2005年08月11日10:28更新

Sunday, August 14, 2005

???????3429??? ?????????_????_????_???

???????3429??? ?????????_????_????_???美贸易赤字半年3429亿美元 对华逆差达历史高点
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

http://finance.sina.com.cn 2005年08月15日 04:59 第一财经日报

  本报记者 林纯洁 发自上海

  由于油价持续高涨以及对中国的逆差达到历史高点,美国6月份贸易逆差达到588亿美元,高于彭博社预期的572亿美元。

  根据美国商务部周五公布的数字,美国6月份贸易逆差较5月份上涨2.8%,至588亿美元,为历史第三高位,5月份经过修正以后的数字为572亿美元。

  至此,美国今年上半年贸易赤字已经达到了3429亿美元,较去年同期的2909亿美元上涨了17.88%,去年美国的贸易赤字曾经创下了6180美元的历史纪录。6月份美国进出口双双创下历史纪录,其中进口增加2.1%,至1657亿美元,但相对缓慢的出口导致逆差扩大,6月份出口仅增长0.1%。

  国际原油价格在经过5月份的回调以后6月份再度上扬是导致美国贸易逆差扩大的重要因素,原油进口金额较5月份猛增9%至146亿美元,创历史新高,6月份原油价格平均上涨13%;而美国对中国的逆差也是达到了创纪录的176亿美元,占全部赤字的29.9%。

  虽然赤字水平高于预期,但周五美元对主要货币保持稳定。根据彭博社的综合汇率报价,欧元兑美元在周五盘初触及近10周高点1.2486后走低,收盘报于1.2441,下跌0.24%。欧元兑美元已经连续6周走强,较7月5日触及的年内低点已经累计上涨了3.6%。

  美元兑日元周五报109.38,下跌0.29%。虽然日本上周一的邮政私有化改革法案遭参议院否决,但强劲的经济增长预期依旧带动日元在近日走高近2.88%。日本政府上周五表示今年第二季度的GDP增长年度推算值为1.1%,为连续第三个季度增长,同时将第一季度的数字从4.9%修正为5.4%。国际货币基金组织也在上周将日本经济今年的增长率预估从4月份的0.8%上调至1.8%,更预测明年的增长率将达到1.9%。

??????????????:???????

??????????????:???????解读人民币汇率改革释放的信号:重大原则渐清晰

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
2005年08月11日 18:50

  我国自7月21日晚启动人民币汇率机制改革,这项重大举措的丰富内涵,吸引了全球人士的密切关注。近段时间内,中国人民银行逐步向外释放新信息,这次改革中所要把握的一些重大原则已日渐清晰。

  “传递人民币汇率形成机制改革的信息,要充分考虑市场和公众的消化吸收能力。”周小川7月底曾表示:“为避免冲淡对改革关键内容的消化理解,这次改革的信号也有一个逐步释放的过程。”

  简单汇总一下,人民银行已先后利用不同场合,近10次对外逐步披露汇率形成新机制改革的新内容。周小川也利用中央电视台“焦点访谈”栏目、人民银行大额支付系统建成仪式、人民银行学术研讨会、人民银行上海总部成立仪式等4次机会,阐述了一些汇率改革的重要信息。

  “人民币汇率水平既可能向上浮动,也可能向下浮动,人民币汇率调整并非意味单边上扬”,这是人民银行较早明确的一条原则。

  对人民币汇率对美元升值2%,一些人曾心存有人民币进一步升值的预期。人民银行7月26日声明,人民币汇率初始调整水平升值2%,并不是指人民币汇率第一步调整2%,事后还会有进一步的调整。

  按照人民银行公告,美元对人民币的交易价在美元交易中间价上下3‰的浮动幅度,并不意味着人民币汇率今后总是单边向上变化的,而是可上可下的双向变动。人民银行在8月4日公布的第二季度中国货币政策执行报告中,再次表示将进一步完善人民币汇率形成机制,同时将根据市场发育状况和经济金融形势,适时调整汇率浮动区间。

  “参考一篮子货币不是盯住一篮子货币”,虽然人民银行早已阐述了这一观点,不过并未透露一篮子货币的具体构成及相关权重。8月10日,周小川在上海首次披露了“一篮子货币”构成的参考原则。

  “货币篮子的确定综合考虑我国对外贸易、外债、外商直接投资等外经贸活动中占较大比重的主要国家、地区的货币,并分别赋予其在篮子中的相应的权重。”周小川说:“美国、欧元区、日本、韩国等目前是我国最主要的贸易伙伴,相应地,美元、欧元、日元、韩元等也自然会成为主要的篮子货币。”

  在这次改革之前,由于美国在世界经济中的特殊地位,以及对美贸易和以美元计价的贸易在我国对外贸易中占比较大,来自美国或以美元计价的外商投资比重较大。我国在较长的一段时间里实施人民币汇率盯住单一美元,以市场供求为基础的、有管理的浮动汇率制度,这有利于形成一个比较稳定的贸易、金融环境。

  近年来,随着世界经济格局的调整,中欧贸易、中国与亚洲区贸易不断上升,中美贸易占比相对下降,同时美元汇率的波动幅度也在加大,这也加大了人民币对其它主要货币的波动性,这不利于我国与其他国家和地区之间形成一个稳定的贸易、金融环境。

  因此,周小川着重指出,与单一盯住美元的汇率制度相比,我国现在选择的人民币汇率新机制,可以更全面地反映人民币对主要货币的变化,有利于较好地应对美元不稳定所带来的影响。

  在上述重大改革原则明确的同时,人们也注意到,央行近期密集出台汇率改革后的配套措施,大力推进外汇市场和相关产品的发展。人民银行在8月9日和10日相继宣布,决定扩大外汇指定银行远期结售汇业务和开办人民币与外币掉期业务,并采取三大改革措施推动银行间外汇市场发展。

  后续配套措施能否及时跟上,对当前平稳度过改革调整期至关重要。人民银行称,通过扩大银行间外汇市场参与主体、增加市场交易品种和丰富市场交易模式,这是完善人民币汇率形成机制的重要举措。

  时至今日,汇率改革的各项措施正平稳有序推进。在新的汇率机制下,企业、银行等市场参与主体,以及相关政府部门都需要调整各自的旧规则,适应改革后面临的全新形势。

  (稿件来源:新华网,作者:张旭东)

????????8.10 ????????2.17%

????????8.10 ????????2.17%美元兑人民币跌破8.10 人民币升值幅度超2.17%

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
2005年08月15日 11:38

  中新网8月15日电 据《国际金融报》报道,上周五,由于人民币跟随日元强劲走势,银行间外汇市场美元兑人民币汇率延续前4日的跌势,跌至人民币升值以来新低8.0980。这是人民币汇率形成机制改革以来,美元兑人民币汇率首度跌破8.10大关。

  与7月21日人民币汇改启动前美元兑人民币汇率8.2780相比,人民币升值幅度已达到2.1744%。

  央行上周推出一系列汇率调整配套措施,包括允许更多的银行开展人民币远期结售汇业务,并允许符合资格的银行开展人民币与外币掉期业务;允许符合条件的非金融企业进入银行间即期外汇市场进行自营性交易。

  另外,中国银监会也宣布将从9月1日起,允许境内设立向金融机构提供外汇、货币市场产品及衍生金融产品等交易的货币经纪公司,其中包括外资独资及中外合资的货币经纪公司。(记者张燕)

Wednesday, August 10, 2005

People's Daily Online -- Central bank specifies currency basket as reference of Renminbi exchange rate

People's Daily Online -- Central bank specifies currency basket as reference of Renminbi exchange rateCentral bank specifies currency basket as reference of Renminbi exchange rate



Zhou Xiaochuan, governor of China's central bank, said for the first time on Wednesday that the US dollars, Euro, Japanese Yen and won of the Republic of Korea constitute the basket of the currencies that will act as a reference for the Renminbi exchange rate.

Zhou made the remark when the central bank inaugurated its second headquarters in Shanghai, the country's financial hub.

Last month, China abruptly allowed its currency, the yuan, to appreciate by a modest 2 percent, announcing the Renminbi will no longer be pegged to a single currency, the US dollar, following the rate reform.

Instead, adjusted with reference to a basket of currencies, the mutual changes of major currencies in the world market will reduce the yuan's fluctuation.

"The countries and regions and their currencies that take a comparatively major position in China's foreign economic activities concerning foreign trade, foreign debt and foreign direct investment will be taken into account when the center bank adjusts the exchange rate of the Chinese yuan," he said.

"They will constitute the basket of the currencies and be weighted accordingly."

"The United States, European Union, Japan and the Republic of Korea are China's most important trade partners, so their currencies naturally become the main currencies in the basket," he said.

Singapore, Britain, Malaysia, Russia, Australia, Thailand and Canada also have important roles in China's foreign trade, so their currencies are important for the RMB exchange rate as well.

The RMB exchange rate, adjusted with reference to a basket of currencies, better reflects the change of RMB value and China's foreign trade conditions in general, which will be of great importance for the basic balance of goods and service trade, he said.

Zhou did not reveal the detailed contents of the currency baskets, including the shares of each currency in deciding the yuan's value.

Some experts believe it is wise for the country not to publicize all the currencies in the basket as well as their shares, which will help the central bank better regulate and manage the exchange rate.

Countries with a larger trade volume with China have a correspondingly larger share in the basket.

The new RMB exchange rate regime, based on the reference to a basket of currencies will better cope with the negative impact brought by the unstable US dollar, and safeguard the stability of China's foreign trade environment, he said.

The new RMB exchange rate regime will discourage the speculative activities betting on RMB's further appreciation, said Li Yang, director of the Financial Institute of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences.

The Chinese yuan had been pegged to the US dollar at a stable rate of about 8.27 to 1 for years before the sudden appreciation last month.

With the devaluation of the US dollar in recent years, the RMB exchange rate against other major currencies was actually dropping, which some foreigners claimed was a measure by the Chinese government to stimulate its soaring exports.

Chinese leaders have said on several occasions that it is a complicated job to reform the exchange rate regime, and should be done gradually.

Source: Xinhua

Thursday, August 04, 2005

LexisNexis(TM) Academic - Document

Financial Times (London, England)

August 4, 2005 Thursday
Asia Edition 1

SECTION: ASIA-PACIFIC; Pg. 2

LENGTH: 652 words

HEADLINE: Increasing costs and intense competition hit Chinese manufacturers harder than revaluation of renminbi: Industry is seeking ways to maintain profit margins without raising prices, writes Alexandra Harney

BYLINE: By ALEXANDRA HARNEY

BODY:


China's revaluation of the renminbi came as little surprise to Ken Chen. The president of Comix, a leading Chinese office supplies maker, had even written a clause into contracts with foreign customers allowing him to raise prices if the currency appreciated.

But Mr Chen did not count on the shrinking number of applications for jobs at his factory in Shantou, in southern China's Pearl River delta.

A local labour shortage since 2003 has forced Mr Chen to increase benefits for his employees, replacing fans with air conditioners in the dormitories and improving the quality of canteen food. Comix's labour costs have risen 10 per cent as a result.

"The increasing cost of labour is my number one concern," said Mr Chen.

The revaluation of the renminbi is taking a toll on Chinese manufacturers' profit margins, but not nearly as much as rising prices of raw materials and labour.

Beijing's hints about a likely currency move gave manufacturers plenty of time to prepare for an appreciation.

But the surge in prices of oil, steel, copper and other commodities, coupled with intense competition, has proved tougher.

How well Chinese manufacturers cope depends on their industry, market share and management ability. But interviews with several companies in the Pearl River delta, the export manufacturing hub north of Hong Kong, indicated that the revaluation was simply the latest in a series of challenges for factories in the workshop of the world.

Landbond is one of China's better-known furniture makers with a thriving export business. Executives say that, with more than 50,000 companies in China making furniture, competition has whittled the industry's profit margins down to single digits in recent years.

This decline in profitability is common in Chinese industry. A June report by UBS, the investment bank, showed that profit margins were falling in the electronics and machinery and equipment sectors as well.

The report predicted that in sectors with excess capacity, companies would not be able to lift prices sufficiently to offset higher input costs.

Compared with pressures such as these, the revaluation had little effect on Landbond's performance, according to Chen Tao, an executive at the company's headquarters in Foshan, a bustling industrial city in the western Pearl River delta.

Immediately after Beijing revalued, Landbond raised the prices in most of its contracts by 2 per cent, matching the appreciation.

"Everyone knows our profit margins are not high," said William Feng, who oversees the group's international strategy.

Chigo Air-Conditioning's margins are similarly thin. Costs of the air-conditioner maker's raw materials - including steel, plastic and copper - have risen an average 20 per cent over the past year.

Such an increase might be manageable in other industries but raw materials account for 96 per cent of the cost of a Chigo air-conditioner.

"Material costs are increasing, but we can't increase the price," said Li Xinghao, the president of Chigo.

"The competition is very fierce. If we increase the price, nobody will buy our products."

Some companies, including Chigo, said that continuing efforts to improve efficiency helped them to absorb the impact of the appreciation. Chigo has built a new factory where products move along the assembly line more smoothly, reducing costs.

Also, at any given time, about a third of Chigo's products are new models, Mr Li said. These products command higher prices and carry higher margins than older models.

Galanz, the world's leading microwave producer with a 40-45 per cent global market share, brought in executives from Toyota, the Japanese carmaker, to train its workers on efficient production techniques.

"The appreciation may have some impact but, with the structural changes inside the company, we can absorb its effects," said Zhao Weimin, marketing director. "Companies like us had already prepared a lot (for an appreciation)."

LOAD-DATE: August 3, 2005

Sunday, July 31, 2005

???????:??????? ??????-????

???????:??????? ??????-????
中国浮动汇率制:要么博弈到最后 要么置身局外

NEWS.SOHU.COM   2005年07月19日08:18  第一财经日报

  近一段时间,人民币汇率浮动问题好像是个热点,它似乎与所有人利益相关。金融理论上,特别是在开放的宏观经济学框架下,汇率问题被认为是宏观中的宏观,是蒙代尔理论中铁三角的首位问题。汇率学12流派注定没有统一结论

  货币自身价格有两种表述形式:缘于人类耐性(时间偏好率)的利率和不同货币之间的互相测度——汇率。从蒙代尔-弗莱明分析框架开始,至今已有12种流派和分析框架来分析汇率决定,而第12个流派的汇率目标区理论也有好几代冲击模型分析框架,汇率决定理论如此多流派,从作为一门学科的视角,说明汇率学科的不成熟,汇率学科的不成熟导致人民币汇率浮动的讨论即使是严肃的,也只能是一家之言。

  作为群体性动物生活方式,本来不需要货币。比如,蚁群和猴子,但作为群体性、社会性人类生存,基于私有制的即时交换和基于投资与消费决策的跨时交易,作为节约交易成本的货币产生了。几乎在同一阶段,人类将贵金属作为货币或货币本位,这是对人类群体而言,需要一个普遍的价值测度符号:货币。

  作为个人而言,我们对事物价值的测度不必依赖于货币,比如你可以将午餐吃一市斤家养的小公鸡或你晚上7点会见情人的感觉(效用)作为您自己的测度基准(一般等价物),对所有事物进行价值衡量。在一个同质的世界里,我们也可以将上述感觉(效用)作为货币,在经济学的阿罗-德布罗理想世界中,是不需要货币的,或者说,我们可以将任何一种资产或消费品作为货币,在这里,人类自身发明的货币仅仅作为一种普通资产存在。

  在作为上个世纪第二次世界大战的产物——布雷顿森林体系解散之前,贵金属特别是黄金作为货币或货币本位存在,1976年牙买加体系之后,黄金非货币化,汇率制度多样化了,对应的是,多种汇率决定学术流派,出现了5次大的货币危机:差点毁了南美洲、亚洲和俄罗斯。当然,学术流派纷杂不是国际货币危机的原因,学术没有那么大的影响力。

  据近代货币史学资料,浮动汇率制并不是美国尼克松总统撕毁布雷顿森林体系而宣布黄金价格自由浮动才特有的,在大概1915~1943年,国际金本位体系瓦解,各国货币也是一个浮动汇率的,布雷顿森林体系便是对这一种浮动汇率的修正;据记载,那一次国际金本位体系(固定汇率制)的瓦解蛑皇腔平鹕隽坎蛔悖簿褪撬祷平鹗澜绮吭龀じ簧鲜澜缟瞎裆苤档脑龀ぃ鱿至鞫圆蛔愫屯ɑ踅羲醯奈侍猓搅颖仪急乙彩巧细鍪兰统醯囊桓鼍槎伞?/p>

  而据有的货币学家的分析,布雷顿森林体系(固定汇率制)的瓦解是美元对黄金定价过高,黄金被低估了,美元严重高估,上个世纪70年代美元危机时有个新闻报道:欧洲要饭的在要饭的牌子上写着,不要美元;然而,劣币依然驱除良币,结果是:美元大行其道,黄金非货币化了。有的货币学者分析,上个世纪90年代后期东南亚金融危机(主要是货币危机)是由于美元和日元的汇率巨额波动引致的。浮动汇率制并非市场化终极目标

  人类社会发展史告知我们:经济和社会的巨大发展与浮动汇率制度没有多大的相关关系和演进关系,国际浮动汇率制度其实是短暂的历史进程,牙买加浮动汇率体系4年之后(上个世纪80年代),就有学者提出恢复黄金本位制,欧洲那时就努力建立固定汇率制度,后来货币统一为欧元,据说现在其发行量超过了美元。

  事实上,经济和社会的发展缘自于技术和制度创新,在宏观经济学中我们称之为技术冲击和制度冲击,或广义的技术冲击。货币问题以及它们之间的比价——汇率问题不管是内生的还是外生的,至少它本身不是最重要的问题,当然,它也是制度冲击的一种,货币汇率的巨大波动而引致的金融危机和产业问题从而导致经济的巨大波动。

  在博弈论的分析框架下,最优的策略是:要么你有能力参与博弈到最后,要么做个局外人;在汇率的问题上,也许也是这个道理。人民币,以前紧盯美元,相当于作为美联储的第13个区存在,而目前国际贸易特别是亚洲国家——与中国贸易联系最紧密的地区之一,美元是个结算货币,当然中美贸易也是用美元结算的,人民币目前盯一下美元还是个最优选择。

  金本位的瓦解,纸本位的产生,各国货币(M2)发行量增加率远远大于其国民生产总值增长率,中国M2与GDP的比率更是个谜;这多余的货币,货币学者戏称之为迷失的货币,其实它并没有迷失,人们将其作为资产(财富)的一种而存储了,其中相当部分交付国际投资管理机构进行财富管理,据波士顿咨询公司统计,目前财富管理账户总额大约为20万亿~22万亿美元,这其中一部分投资于汇率波动;据瑞银全球财富管理公司业务资料,其在欧洲财富管理账户开户起点为3000万欧元,其部分组合投资于贵金属以及艺术品。大约有五种途径吸收多余的货币:资产(包含贵金属以及艺术品等,还有中间产品)价格上扬,消费品价格上涨,货币流通速度下降(货币自身作为财富窖藏等,这与货币定义有关的),金融衍生品交易,还有地下经济(黄、赌、毒、走私、逃税等)。部分游资寄生于浮动汇率制度

  巨大的国际投机游资,其实是纸本位和浮动汇率的产物,没有多少年的历史。部分游资依赖于浮动汇率制度而生存,浮动汇率制度和部分国际游资形成生态学上的共生关系。所谓华盛顿共识,国际游资究竟起了多大影响力,我们不得而知。

  蒙代尔教授有言,在人民币取得国际主要储备货币地位之前,盯住美元是目前宏观经济风险最小的选择;当然,在技术上,美国可以将人民币踢出美元区。有的学者提出:人民币将来与一篮子货币挂钩,篮子是灵活而机密的,新加坡汇率制度好像就是这样的。

  在适当的时候,中国联合欧洲建立包括黄金在内的贵金属本位制货币也许是个历史发展的选择,技术上而言不会出现通货不足的问题。但历史是路径依赖的,汇率制度政治化了。

  1999年,笔者曾参观巴黎的卢浮宫:40万幅名画,人类劳动遗产的精品,我想,其实那是伟大的法国人最后的货币本位:一举多得;作为生息资产(巨大的门票收入)以及提高国民包含自豪感在内的效用,比我们国民财富透过外汇储备大量持有某些国家国债强多了,还可以启迪民间富人的消费真正升级,也可减轻公安部门的压力:中国有些富人消费升级好像摆脱不了历史轮回(将嫖和赌作为消费升级)。可喜的是,中国部分富人已将艺术品作为其财富组合的一部分了。

  说到底,财富是在技术和制度变迁下,劳动所积累的,纸本位下的货币汇率是一个表象:很多时候不必管它。国际投资界之全球资产配置组合投资管理人(不包含全球宏观对冲基金),他们对股票积极投资组合中包含的汇率变动风险在具体操作上也是不进行对冲的。

  (作者系清华大学经济管理学院技术经济博士后,上海金融与法律研究院副院长兼企业研究所所长,本文不代表本报观点)

搜狗(www.sogou.com)搜索:“人民币升值”,共找到 1,121,304 个相关网页.

( 责任编辑:田瑛 )

http://business.sohu.com/20050719/n226357905.shtml

Daily Times - Site Edition

Daily Times - Site Edition
China says float mechanism to set yuan rate

BEIJING: China’s central bank governor said on Friday that recent trading in the yuan after last week’s revaluation showed the currency reflected supply and demand as well as moves in other currencies.

Last week the People’s Bank of China revalued the yuan, also called the renminbi, by 2.1 percent, setting its value at 8.11 against the dollar and saying the exchange rate would be set with reference to a currency basket.

“The renminbi has begun normal floating, reflecting market supply and demand and changes in the exchange rates of major currencies in international markets,” Zhou Xiaochuan said in a statement on the central bank’s Web site (www.pbc.gov.cn).

The narrow range of trading in the yuan over the past week has been a small fraction of the 0.3 percent allowed under the new regime, leading many analysts to believe that the central bank is not allowing market forces to play their full role.

But Zhou’s remarks came shortly after the yuan closed at a post-revaluation high for the second straight session, extending tiny gains as the central bank stood by and gave the currency leeway to rise. The yuan closed at 8.1056 to the dollar.

A “floating mechanism”, not official adjustments, would drive moves in the yuan, and yuan’s exchange rate would fluctuate based on “objective rules”, Zhou said. He also reiterated that an earlier statement of his describing the revaluation as an “initial adjustment”, referred to the overall process of reforming the currency regime and did not indicate that further revaluations were planned. reuters

Thursday, July 28, 2005

???:?????????_????_????_???

???:?????????_????_????_???梅新育:人民币汇率调整分析
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

http://finance.sina.com.cn 2005年07月28日 14:41 新浪财经
  梅新育

  中国政府果然兑现了其人民币汇率调整“出其不意”的预言,21日晚19点零1分,国内外市场上喧嚣近3年之久的“人民币升值论”突然成为现实,一纸《中国人民银行关于完善人民币汇率形成机制改革的公告》(中国人民银行公告〔2005〕第 16 号)宣告人民币汇率形成机制和汇率水平均发生了变动,我国自2005年7月21日起开始实行以市场供求为基础、参考一篮子货币进行调节、有管理的浮动汇率制度,实施10年之久的非正式盯住美元汇率制度寿终正寝,形成了更富弹性的人民币汇率机制;美元对人民币交易价格自公告发布之时起调整为1美元兑8.11元人民币。这条消息注定是本月全世界最大的经济新闻、今年全世界最大的经济新闻之一,也很有可能成为日后经济学教科书上政策博弈的经典案例。

  一、为什么说此次人民币汇率调整“出其不意”?

  之所以说这次汇率调整“出其不意”,是因为它发生在热钱内流减缓甚至开始出现流出东亚的趋势、而外汇市场上人民币升值压力也有缓解趋向之时。

  首先,我们用下面这个简单的方程式计算内流热钱规模:

  内流热钱=外汇储备增量-海关统计贸易顺差-实际利用外商直接投资

  其中,贸易顺差之所以用海关统计数据而不用国际收支口径数据,是因为在存在汇率变动预期的时候,大量的“提前错后”操作将使后者严重失真,掺杂进许多变相资本流动。如去年我国海关统计口径贸易顺差为320.97亿美元,国际收支统计口径下的货物贸易顺差则高达589.82亿美元,比海关统计高出将近269亿美元,其中有很大一部分系国外买方提前向国内预付货款(甚至纯属无真实贸易背景的支付)、国内卖方推迟向国外支付所致。用上述方程式我们计算得出以下结果:

  2004年热钱内流数额=2067亿美元-321亿美元-606亿美元=1140亿美元,月均95亿美元;

  2005上半年热钱内流数额=1010亿美元-397亿美元-286亿美元=327亿美元,月均54.5亿美元,比去年月均热钱内流数额减少近一半。

  其次,近期从银行间外汇市场到场外外汇市场上,人民币升值压力均有所减轻。银行间外汇市场人民币升值压力的表现是外汇交易成交量下降。整个上半年,银行间外汇市场日均成交量为11.98亿美元,而6月当月日均成交量为11.70亿美元, 即6月当月出现了外汇成交量下降的趋势。在银行的零售市场上,近来不少银行反映以外币兑换人民币的数量显著减少,更多的是外币币种之间的调整。在非正规市场上,据新闻媒体报道,最近一两个月外汇“黄牛”的业务也清淡了许多。

  第三,从海尔、中国移动到中海油,最近中国大企业频频在海外发起收购行动,规模空前扩大,在一些市场参与者眼里,这也是近期人民币汇率不会调整的迹象。麦肯锡(McKinsey)大中华区总裁欧高敦(Gordon Orr)在7月19日的英国《金融时报》上撰文阐述了这种分析思路:许多中国大企业首脑与政府最高层关系密切,很多人本身就来自权力机构。如中国移动总经理王建宙在进入电信企业之前就是信息产业部综合规划司司长。这些中国高管不会希望自己遭到同行笑话,即只要他们稍有耐心,海外收购价格就会因人民币升值而便宜许多。因此,如果人民币汇率近期会发生调整,这些信息灵通的中国大企业就会暂停在国外进行如此大规模的投资和并购交易,或是因为预期有更加强劲的人民币支持而乐意为海外并购支付更高的以美元计价的价格,但几乎没有证据表明汇率考虑因素影响了中国企业海外收购的价格或时机,亦即这些信息灵通的中国大企业高管们也并不认为人民币汇率会在近期调整。

  二、此次人民币汇率调整负面影响不会太大

  人民币汇率调整确属势在必行。在汇率形成机制方面,实施10年之久的人民币盯住美元汇率制度对我国外经贸发展和国内价格稳定都发挥了积极的促进作用,但也存在多方面消极影响,包括形成对发达国家(主要是美国)的财富转移、损害货币政策独立性、更有利于出口部门而相对抑制国内部门……,等等。归根结底,一个独立经济强国不可能是将本币与外币挂勾的国家,人民币汇率制度必然需要调整。在汇率水平方面,中国经济的持续快速增长也必然导致人民币汇率水涨船高。近两年的人民币汇率之争,所争者绝非人民币汇率是否应当调整,而是如何调整,即调整的时机、幅度和节奏。

  从正面来看,人民币汇率调整的主要正面影响是有利于缓解对外贸易不平衡,改善贸易条件,扩大内需,增强货币政策独立性,提高金融调控的主动性和有效性;促使企业转变经营机制,增强自主创新能力,加快转变外贸增长方式,提高国际竞争力和抗风险能力;有利于优化利用外资结构,提高利用外资效果;等等。

  从负面来看,由于以下原因,就总体而言,只要短期内不继续大幅度提高汇率,这次汇率调整对我国外经贸和整个经济的冲击就不会太大。

  首先,此次升值幅度很小,对美元升值幅度仅1.9%,而此前普遍预期的是只要升值幅度在5%左右就完全能够承受。相比之下,当年《广场协议》之后日元升值的幅度要大得多,节奏也相当紧密:1985年9月20日—24日,日元对美元汇率为240~230︰1;9月22日,西方五国(美国、日本、联邦德国、英国、法国)财政部长和中央银行行长签署《广场协议》(Plaza Accord);24日—27日,日元汇率上升到230~220︰1,升值幅度约4.2%;9月27日—11月1日,日元汇率为220~210︰1;……到1987年12月11日—1988年1月4日,日元对美元汇率已经上升到130~121.65︰1,即在两年时间内,日元对美元汇率几乎翻了一番。因此,人民币汇率调整的负面冲击即使存在,也不会太大。

  其次,此次汇率调整的配套措施限制了其负面冲击。这次人民币汇率波动幅度并未扩大,现阶段每日银行间外汇市场美元对人民币的交易价仍在人民银行公布的美元交易中间价上下千分之三的幅度内浮动。与此同时,继5月20日将一年期美元、港币存款利率上限分别提高0.25个百分点和01875个百分点之后,人民银行宣布从7月22日起上调境内商业银行美元、港币小额外币存款利率上限,一年期美元、港币存款利率上限均提高0.5个百分点,调整后利率上限分别为1.625%和1.5%。此举增加了外币投资机会,提高了人民币投资的机会成本,削弱了境内居民将自有外币计价资产转换为人民币的内在动机,从而有助于稳定汇率,遏制人民币汇率进一步上调的趋势。

  第三,汇率变动对不同贸易方式的影响不一样,对一般贸易出口影响大,对“大进大出”的加工贸易进出口的影响在很大程度上自相抵销,而我国对外贸易至今仍以加工贸易为主,加工贸易、尤其是加工贸易出口占我国外贸实绩的一半以上。

  第四,今年前6个月我国连续出现了可观的贸易顺差,截至6月末,我国外贸进出口总值6450.3亿美元,同比增长23.2%,其中出口3423.4亿美元,增长32.7%;进口3026.9亿美元,增长14%;累计贸易顺差396.5亿美元。1994—2004年,我国连续11年贸易顺差,贸易顺差最高纪录是1998年的434.75亿美元,其次依次是1997年的404.22亿美元、2004年的320.97亿美元、2002年的304.26亿美元;今年上半年贸易顺差已经超过去年全年顺差总额,接近年度贸易顺差历史最高纪录,实为空前未有。预计全年贸易顺差可望超过1000亿美元,比此前的年度贸易顺差最高纪录翻一番以上。与此同时,今年上半年我国外汇储备增加1010亿美元,同比多增337亿美元,6月末外汇储备余额为7110亿美元,同比增长51.1%。而且,目前我国主要贸易伙伴如美国等经济增长势头良好,吸收我国货物、服务出口的能力仍然较强。在这种情况下,汇率调整即使对我国国际收支有负面影响,也只不过是缓解我国贸易顺差和外汇储备过快增长的压力,而不至于导致我国贸易收支发生根本性转折。

  其实,今年上半年美元汇率总体上颇为强势,去年12月欧元创造了1.36美元的汇率最高纪录,目前对美元汇率已经一路下跌到1.20美元左右,即美元对欧元汇率已经上涨10%以上,非正式盯住美元的人民币对欧元汇率随之也上涨了10%以上,但上半年我国对货币汇率相对疲软的欧盟贸易仍然持续高增长,上半年对欧盟出口增幅39.2%,进口增幅仅1.7%,贸易额1000.5亿美元,顺差高达316亿美元,以至于欧洲厂商要对公认为受人民币汇率调整冲击最大的中国纺织品、鞋类发起特别保障措施,并对其他几类中国货物发起反倾销,已经足以说明我国出口厂商的抗冲击能力不可低估。

  第五,中国引进的外资中有很大一部分属于对出口导向型企业的投资,不少人担心人民币升值将提高中国的成本,从而削弱其对外资的吸引力和出口产品的价格竞争力。鉴于今年上半年我国实际利用外商直接投资285.63亿美元,同比下降3.18%,这种担忧显得非常现实。对此,我国内地可以作好充分准备抓住一部分投资从沿海转移的机遇,从而部分化解成本上升的冲击。由于内需扩大,我国对外资的吸引力还会增强。正如经合组织(OECD)6月23日发布的《外国直接投资与近期发展》(Trends and Recent Developments in Foreign Direct Investment)报告指出的那样,对于OECD之外的发展中国家而言,市场导向型的国际直接投资越来越多,国际投资者在选择投资地点时不仅是在选择低成本的生产地点,而且越来越多地是在选择接近庞大的消费市场。这意味着人口众多且国民收入持续稳定增长的国家更能够得到外资的青睐。而且,从长远看,我国利用外资工作必须更多地依靠高效率的公共服务、优质基础设施、完善的产业配套、无与伦比的规模经济效益、优秀的人力资源等造就核心竞争力,而不是片面依赖低廉的劳动力成本取胜于一时。

  再说,外商直接投资下降可能不过是一个伪命题,因为近两个月外资同比略有下降未必等于全年外资流入下降,我们没有必要过分关注几个月的数字,因为货物贸易、实质经济部门与虚拟经济部门不同,不是几个月甚至几个小时就能决定最终盈亏命运的。即使今年利用外资总额下降,最主要的原因恐怕也是因为从2002年开始上行的中国经济面临转折,宏观经济的波动我们无法彻底消除,只能依靠扩大内需、特别是国内消费来缓解。我们应当明了,正如一个国家的投资不可能永远高涨一样,一个国家的外资流入也不可能逐年甚至逐月递增,有所起伏是正常现象。如果我们不顾经济基本面和利弊得失,在任何时候都强求外资持续增长,结果只会招致我们无法承受的代价。归根结底,一个大国可持续发展的希望只能寄托在本国国民和本国资本积累上。

  第六,在人民币升值条件下,已有海外投资存量面临按人民币计价价值“缩水”的风险。根据目前的升值幅度和企业行动来看,这个风险存在,但不会太大,因为在已经持续近3年的“人民币升值论”压力下,不少企业和金融机构已经做了相应的调整,从最近两年的《中国国际收支平衡表》中就可以看出来。如2004年我国境内机构减持境外有价证券资产,使《2004年中国国际收支平衡表》上该项目实现资金净回流64.86亿美元,比2003年净回流多增35.03亿美元,且境内金融机构是减持我国境外证券资产的主体,反映了近两年我国金融机构调整境内外资产匹配,优化境外投资资产的情况。

  第七,人民币汇率升值最大的风险之一是其潜在的通货紧缩效应,但上半年我国价格仍然在温和上涨,尽管涨幅比去年有所下降,因此其通货紧缩效应的负面影响也不至于太大。

  当然,人民币汇率调整对不同行业的影响不一样,总体而言,对于纺织品等轻工行业影响较大;对进口原料较多的钢铁行业应该属于利好;进口数量巨大的能源行业其进口以人民币计价也会下降;汽车行业也应当受到一定的降价压力,因为不仅其进口元件以人民币计价降价了,而且钢铁等投入品的成本也会因此而降低。

  三、迎接人民币升值的机遇

  人民币汇率调整不仅是挑战,同时也是机遇。这种机遇首先体现为内需扩大,国内市场机会增多。

  其次,人民币升值将驱使沿海一部分资本转移,我国内地如果能够在公共服务、基础设施、产业配套、人力资源等方面切实加以改进,这不失为发展契机。

  第三,人民币升值将促使我们扩大资本设备和战略资源进口(建立重要资源战略储备)和对外直接投资,特别是促进中国企业对海外的直接投资,因为人民币升值增强了中国企业的资本实力,促使一些中国企业到海外寻求低成本生产地点;为减轻外汇储备高速增长和人民币进一步升值的压力,政府也会进一步放松对企业赴海外投资的管制。事实上,今年中国企业也掀起了海外投资(特别是海外并购)的高潮。不过,在这方面,我们也应防止陷入误区。一方面,目前国际市场初级产品价格仍然高位运行,我们不宜此时大幅度提升战略资源进口以建立战略储备,应当等到价格下跌时候再说。另一方面,扩大对外投资要避免其沦为资本外逃黑洞,或是低估投资风险,留下一大堆投资失败的烂帐。

点击此处查询全部人民币汇率新闻
http://finance.sina.com.cn/economist/jingjixueren/20050728/14411843722.shtml

??????????????????_????_????_???

??????????????????_????_????_???李扬和余维彬谈人民币汇率机制改革问题
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

http://finance.sina.com.cn 2005年07月28日 11:21 金时网·金融时报   主持人:本报记者 付平

  特邀嘉宾:社科院金融所所长 李扬

  社科院金融所副研究员 余维彬

  2005年7月21日,中国人民银行发布公告:自当日起,中国将实行以市场供求为基础、参考一篮子货币进行调节、有管理的浮动汇率制度。记者就此采访了中国社科院金融所所长李扬和副研究员余维彬。

  主持人:应该如何评价本次汇率改革?

  李扬:央行7月21日的公告表明,中国以回归有管理浮动的方式,正式启动了人民币汇率机制弹性化改革。此次改革有很多可圈可点之处。

  首先是时机的选择。当前我国经济运行平稳健康、美元汇率止跌回稳、中国与美欧贸易摩擦开始走上谈判解决的途径等,为人民币汇率改革提供了相对稳定的国际环境;更重要的是,经过近3年的反复讨论,国内各界对人民币汇率改革所涉及的主要领域和主要问题,包括目标、条件、步骤、影响、利弊等,均已有了相当程度的了解并逐渐有所准备。在上述国内外环境下启动汇率改革,应当说是震动较小的。

  其次是改革的方向。此次改革确定了回归有管理浮动的安排。从汇率制度的运行特征来看,有管理的浮动是一种仅次于独立浮动的非常接近完全市场化的汇率制度。中国选择这种制度来启动改革,无疑为进一步的改革确定了合理的框架和理性的发展方向。

  但是,鉴于人民币汇率改革的长期性和复杂性,改革的步伐启动后,我们就应全面估量改革深入后可能产生的新问题,并为解决这些问题制定预案。其中,通过加快改革,逐步完善弹性汇率制度得以正常运行的体制、机制和技术环境,更显得至关重要。

  主持人:应该怎样理解本次汇率改革的要点?

  余维彬:实行有管理的浮动、在操作上参考一篮子货币以及变动人民币汇率平价,是本次汇率改革的三个要点。对于这项改革,首先需要关注的是上述三个要点之间的主从次序的排列———强调改革的立足点是实行有管理的浮动,而一篮子货币只是操作的参考,堪称深思熟虑。我们可以从以下四个方面来分析这种安排的合理性。

  首先,国际货币基金组织目前将全球的汇率安排分为8类,依市场化程度由低而高依次为:无单独法定货币的汇率、货币局安排;传统的盯住(包括盯住单一货币和盯住一篮子货币)、水平区间盯住、爬行盯住、爬行区间;有管理浮动、独立浮动。在这个菜单上,有管理的浮动被排在仅次于独立(完全)浮动的市场化程度相当高的位置上。这是因为,从运行特征上看,有管理的浮动汇率制度是一种可以容纳巨大变化的较具弹性的制度。鉴于此,我国的汇率制度改革直接进入有管理的浮动,而不是选择盯住一篮子,为我国汇率制度的市场化改革确定了较高的起点,并开辟了比较宽广的发展空间。

  第二,强调回归有管理的浮动,而将一篮子货币仅仅摆在参考的位置上,在战略上也很明智:它使得我国货币当局从被动应付(维持“盯住”的承诺)改变为主动出击(对外不承诺任何的汇率平价)。这种地位的转换,对汇率改革的顺利推进极为重要。事实上,人民币汇率制度改革面临两大问题,一是如何改;二是在改革的过程中如何尽可能弱化投机资本的冲击。从策略上看,能否弱化投机资本的冲击,不仅决定着改革启动的时机,而且可能决定改革的成败。实行有管理的浮动,即在制度上公开宣称人民币不同任何单一货币或“篮子货币”保持盯住关系,将使得投机资本对人民币汇率的冲击失去依凭,从而使我国货币当局在同投机资本的博弈中获得主动权。

  第三,在金融全球化日益深入的背景下,实行任何形式的固定汇率制(包括盯住一篮子货币)均将弱化货币政策效力。实行浮动汇率,对外不承诺维持任何汇率水平,将使货币政策得以最大限度地充分发挥作用,从而可以比较从容地根据国内经济发展的需要来制定货币政策和管理汇率水平。特别需要指出的是,“参考一篮子货币”来进行操作和“盯住一篮子货币”看似接近,实际上的差别是相当大的。所谓“盯住一篮子货币”,指的是按照选定的货币种类和权重来确定一个抽象的篮子货币的价值,并将人民币盯住该货币价值的一种安排。在这里,一国货币当局基本没有汇率定价主动权,而且必须承担盯住的义务。而若仅仅将“篮子货币”的功能定位在参考的位置上,则货币当局没有了盯住的义务,从而可以根据国内经济和金融形势以及外汇市场的供求关系来主动灵活地调整汇率的定价基础。

  第四,此次汇率制度的调整还体现在人民币对各单个外币的定价机制上。根据方案,改革后,“人民币汇率不再盯住单一美元”,而“非美元货币对人民币的交易价在人民银行公布的该货币交易中间价上下一定幅度内浮动。”这里的安排是值得品味的。众所周知,改革前的人民币汇率制度,既表现为人民币的汇率盯住美元,同时也表现为人民币对其他货币的汇率主要根据美元对各该货币的汇率而套算得出。这使得人民币对其他货币的汇率随美元对这些货币汇率的变化而变化———这才出现了前两年美元对各主要货币的汇率一路走低,而人民币对这些货币的汇率也随之一路贬值的情况。此次改革安排表明:人民币对其他可交易货币的汇率决定,从此也脱离了其与美元汇率的中介关系,开始走上了相对独立的浮动安排。

  主持人:人民币汇率机制弹性化改革后可能会遇到哪些问题?

  李扬:我认为,在短期内,有三个问题需要充分注意。

  第一,汇率制度改革对国民经济运行的各个层面和各个领域的影响,一时还很难充分、准确估计。但是,有一点可以确定:汇率制度的变动对国民经济的不同层面、不同领域的影响是各不相同的。这就需要我们在认真研究的基础上,针对各领域所受到的不同影响,一方面调整发展战略,争取在国际分工的新格局中取得更为牢固的比较优势;另一方面,根据各行业得失之差别,适当给予(如果需要)政策支持。据中信证券研究,汇率制度改革后,受到正面影响的国内行业主要包括:造纸、中药品牌、零售、餐饮、旅游服务、航线和机场、公路、银行、房地产、电力(部分)等;受影响较小的行业主要包括:煤炭、建筑材料、航空和国防、饮料、食品、医药、铁路、电信等;而受到负面影响较大的主要行业则有:石油和天然气、化学工业、金属、电子和电器设备、机械设备、仪器仪表、汽车、服装纺织、家庭耐用品、贸易、水运和港口、信息技术(软硬件)等。显然,人民币汇率改革之后,我们需要组织强大的力量来展开类似的研究,而这正是我们目前缺乏的。

  第二,汇率制度改革启动后,政府、广大金融机构、工商企业和居民所面临的汇率风险无疑现实化了。因此,迅速建立有效的外汇市场,推出各种防范汇率风险的衍生产品市场,便以极为紧迫的形式提上了议事日程。

  第三,由于国内经济结构尚存在较大的扭曲,由于政府、广大金融机构、工商企业和居民尚不熟悉汇率的波动,由于与之相应的制度安排———如统计、会计、税收、财政等———尚未充分考虑新的汇率环境而作出调整,整个中国经济一时很难承受汇率的剧烈波动。因此,如果说改变对美元的盯住状态十分重要且十分紧迫的话,那么,在这种变动过程中保持人民币汇率的稳定,至少具有同等的重要性。正是在这个意义上,我赞同对浮动汇率实行管理,而管理的目标则是保持汇率水平的基本稳定。因此,我们认真研究诸如日本等国家的汇率管理经验,就有了相当程度的紧迫性。

  从长期看,“货币错配”风险将是我们面临的主要问题。越来越多的研究者认识到,货币错配是发展中国家实行汇率改革的最主要障碍,因为,它的存在,可能使发展中国家的任何改革都进退失据。因此,通过多方面的改革来创造有利于管理货币错配风险的制度体系,应成为我们下一步的主要任务。

点击此处查询全部汇率改革新闻
http://finance.sina.com.cn/economist/jingjixueren/20050728/11211843283.shtml